Tag: history

  • History isn’t Bunk, part 2: New York City Police

    History isn’t Bunk, part 2: New York City Police

    This is Part Two. Part One is here.

    Jill Lepore has an article in the New Yorker about the invention of police that somehow manages to sidestep every thing I know about the history of police. I know a little about the history police history. Much more, I suspect, than Jill Lepore.

    I discussed a key problem of Lepore’s perspective in my last post. She writes through a lens, a worldview, in which she believes that two-thirds of people aged 15-34 who go to the Emergency Room are there because they were beaten by police or security.

    It’s crazy talk. And it makes me question everything else she writes on the subject.

    Her article has so many errors. But rather than refute her point by point (though there’s some of that), I’m just going to present my own history of the invention of police. Now this is just one version of police history (albeit a pretty mainstream one). I’ve got no grand narrative here. It’s what I consider “objective.” That used to be goal. Now? I don’t know. If you want to put your spin on this to apply it to current events, feel free. But that’s on you. And yes, of course this is over-simplified. But here’s my brief history of the invention of police in America, from 2050BC to 1870AD, from a New York City perspective.

    Hammurabi did it in stone
    1. Long before there were police, society and governments and communities maintained order. That’s important to keep in mind.
    2. 1800 BC, 3,800 years ago, Hammurabi invents the “rule of law.” Or at least he was smart enough to carve it in stone, so we give him credit whether he deserves it or not.
    3. The Old Testament (Exodus 21:24) talks about an “eye for an eye, tooth for tooth.” Harsh? Maybe. But much softer than Hammurabi! Justice in the Judaeo-Christian world changes when Jesus says, “go and sin so more” (John 8:11). Retribution vs restorative justice? Deep.
    4. Not too much innovation in the west from then until the Anglo-Saxon “kings peace” concept that all crimes are crimes against the king, and the state will keep a monopoly and prosecution and punishment, thank you very much.
    5. James Watt’s steam engine comes along in 1780 and you got your Industrial Revolution. And with it, urbanization, disorder, gin, and the growth of crime and disorder in London. America was a few decades behind.
    6. Very long story very short: Sir Robert Peel invents and implements the concept of modern police in 1829 London, the Bobbie. It’s to maintain order and prevent crime, he says. It’s so not an army we’ll put them in blue instead of red.
    7. The word “police” isn’t new. What has changed is the concept of “policing.” There had been watchmen since forever, and America certainly had bounty hunters and slave catchers long before 1829. Britain had frankenpledge and tithing. Before that the Romans had the “urban cohort,” Vigeles, public servants who did some of the things associated with police today.
      But we define “police” as full-time public employees, most in uniform (originally blue, with hat, rattle, and baton) whose purpose is to prevent crime and disorder, and who also have the power and obligation to arrest criminal offenders.
      What Peel did was combine a lot of public functions into one, and center it around the idea that police should be public servants whose primary (almost exclusive) purpose was to “maintain order and prevent crime.” He was pretty clear about this (though note he never wrote his famous “principles“). I’ll also give Peel credit for inventing foot patrol. That’s kind of big deal in the policing context. Public patrol is very different from “guard this property.” I’d say it defines policing.
    8. Peel’s policing idea was adopted in New York City in 1845. It quickly spreads from New York to other American cities. But I’m going to focus on New York.
    9. Unlike police in London, American police (at first) don’t wear uniforms, but more important, police in New York are under local (ward aldermanic) political control. They also carry guns.
    10. In the South, police remains a slave catching / bounty hunting proposition until Reconstruction. During Reconstruction, Southern cities had a pretty clear divide between antebellum slave catchers and the post war “modern” policing imposed by northern occupation. But Reconstruction ended up being too brief, police in the south reverted to their racist role as enforcers of slavery-based Jim Crow.
    One of Peel’s Bobbies

    I try to cover that in my first class in an hour. It’s not easy. In my second class I turn to Kelling and Moore’s Three Eras and Williams and Murphy’s Minority View. I add some August Vollmer (and shame on Lepore for making him sound like some cracker), Civil Rights, the LA Riots, and the NYC crime drop, and pretty soon you’ve got a decent foundation for me to get on with whatever the class is supposed to about.

    In the New Yorker, Lepore says:

    It is often said that Britain created the police, and the United States copied it. One could argue that the reverse is true.

    You could argue that, but you’d be wrong. And Lepore is not very convincing, at least to anybody with any knowledge of police history.

    Lepore stresses Patrick Colquhoun. But not because of his contributions his dockside “River Police” (usually the “Bow Street Runners” get more credit, but both were, still, in essence, bounty-hunting operations), and less for his 1800 treatise on police that talked about the “new science” is which police should “prevent and detect crime” (this no doubt this influenced Robert Peel), but because [gasp] Colquhoun had spent years in Colonial Virginia and owned shares in a sugar plantation in Jamaica. Ergo, through Colqohoun, American police are rooted in slavery. Though Lepore admits that not much came of Colquhoun’s idea for another generation, until the London police started by Robert Peel, to whom she gives two sentences.

    Why does that matter? Because one could either see the invention of police as good, as a noble concept, as a way in which society tried to defend the community and protect those most vulnerable. I actually believe that. But even if I didn’t, I don’t see why I wouldn’t want to believe it. Or you see American police as rooted in slavery and doing little more than serving White Supremacy. I certainly know the dark side of police history as well as anybody. It’s real. But that’s not and never has been the ideal. It’s not what American policing is rooted in. American policing doesn’t come from slavery. And it’s certainly not why American police expanded.

    Lepore says:

    It is also often said that modern American urban policing began in 1838, when the Massachusetts legislature authorized the hiring of police officers in Boston.

    Actually, no. Nobody outside Boston ever say that.

    For what it’s worth, in Baltimore you’ll sometimes hear Baltimoreans say they had the first police (established 1784). And a Glaswegian might tell you modern policing started with the Glasgow Police Act of 1800 (which has more merit). This is like rah-rah boosterism. Not real history.

    I mean, even in Boston the Boston Police department doesn’t claim American urban policing began in 1838 Boston. The Boston police were established in 1854, a date Lepore somewhat sloppily references later in her article.

    To be generous, if this isn’t your field, one basic source of confusion is that the word “police” is an old word. And sometimes people were paid to “police.” What changed is the meaning of the word. To be a a police officer didn’t mean what we think it means until Peel’s Bobbies hit the street of London in late 1829. Peel’s model is the one that worked, the one that lasted, and the model that was copied in America (and is given credit in every policing textbook).

    From 1829 London, the idea of “preventative police” spread. (And the successful implementation of policing in London is great story, well worth reading about. It was not an easy lift.) In 1838 the New York Morning Herald wrote: “The new police system of England is to be introduced into South Australia, and two London officers have been sent out.”

    From the New-York Daily Tribune in 1842:

    Our citizens are all agreed that a thorough, radical Reform is needed.
    Such are the general features of the Plan proposed. It seems eminently simple and well calculated to effect the great object for which any Police is needed – the prevention of crime.

    Because we already had detectives and people running around to catch thieves for profit. Here’s a letter to the editor of the Daily Tribune:

    I fully agree with you that a Police is wanted to take the place of the present Watchmen, Constables, &c. I saw, during some years’ residence in London, the effect of the new Police established by Sir Robert Peel; and I think one of that plan for this city would not be far from the best. The necessity of keeping them on duty at all hours is unquestionable.

    And this is not too long after the War on 1812. Revolutionary War veterans were still alive. It wasn’t like “it’s British” was a great selling point. But there was no mistaking what the “new police plan” was modeled on. This isn’t controversial.

    The first (abortive) New York police superintendent was mocked, according to the New York Herald, because he gave he copied a long speech, “word for word from a manual of instructions to the Liverpool police, published some half dozen year ago.”

    There’s no reference to slavery. Nothing about Boston. But a whole lot about preservation of the peace and good order, which is straight from England. New Yorkers weren’t looking back to slavery, they were looking across the Pond to Peel.

    From David R. Johnson’s (1981) American Law Enforcement: A History:

    The reform of the London police attracted favorable attention in America shortly after the bobbies began patrolling their beats.

    In an era when an attempt to collect accurate crime statistics had not even been made, it is extremely difficult to determine whether crime was actually increasing. We can say, however, that concern over property offenses had become widespread. Citizens arming themselves to defend their homes and persons was only one indication of this growing fear. Such measures had been unthinkable prior to the 1830s. Fear about this kind of crime, combined with dismay over the decay of social order, therefore made a powerful argument for police reform.

    New York was the first American city to adopt a lasting version of a preventive police.

    American policing — preventive police, a “new police” — started with the New-York Police Bill, written in 1844, but not passed until 1845. Objections came from Nativists (anti-immigrant) opposition to what they saw (correctly) saw as an immigrant dominated police force. This speech was given outside City Hall:

    They … are now about to pass an odious and base police bill to bind us down. (Cries of shame, shame.) They will then appoint persons to office, and those men will not be native born citizens. (Cries of shame).
    We have had to encounter much opposition from these foreigners. In the ward were I reside the Greeks and the Hessians deposited their ballots, and when I asked them were they resided, the inspector said he would challenge every one at our side. It was not enough for them to have the privilege of voting: no, for when they found they were cut down at the polls, they then had their Greeks and their Dutchmen to kick up a row. and when we claimed to have the men arrested we were then struck down (cries of shame).
    I saw a state convict let loose from Blackwell’s Island by the Governor, to pollute our polls by his presence. I saw him parading in our streets at the head of bands of blood-thirsty ruffians, banded for the purpose of preventing the native citizens from giving their votes. Old Tammany Hall must die. (Cheers). It is already tumbling, and for ever let it be damned and lost, and the Native American party rise and extend its influence. [Mr. Whitney concluded by exhorting his party to rally round the glorious banner, and] conquer the Greeks and Germans, and all other foes of reform. (Great applause).

    But the the New York Police Bill passed the next year and took effect in June, 1845. George Matsell was appointed commissioner on June 17, 1845 and would serve for 13 years (plus 2 years for a second term later on). The main points:

    Article 1
    §1 The watch department, as at present organized, is hereby abolished, together with the offices of marshals, street inspectors, health wardens, tire wardens, dock masters, lamp lights, bell ringers, day police officers, Sunday officers, inspector of pawn brokers and junk shots, and of the officers to attend the poll at the several election districts of the city and county of New York.

    §2 In lieu of the watch department and the various officers mentioned in the foregoing section, there shall be established a day and night police of not to exceed seven hundred and fifty men, including captains, assistant captains and policemen.

    §5 Each ward of the city of New York shall be a patrol district.

    §12 It shall be the duty of the policemen to render every assistance and facility to ministers and officers of justice, and to report to the captain all suspicious persons, all bawdy houses, receiving shops, pawnbrokers’ shops, junkshops, second hand dealers, gaming-houses, and all places were idlers, tipplers, gamblers, and other disorderly and suspicious persons may congregate; to caution strangers and others against going into such places, and against pickpockets, watch-stuffers, droppers, mock-auctioneers, burners, and all other vicious persons; to direct strangers and others the nearest and safest way to their places of destination, and, when necessary, to cause them be be accompanied to their destination by one of the police.

    Article IV
    Compensation of officers
    §2 No fees or compensation shall be charged or received by any officer for the arrest of any prisoner… [or] the issuing of any warrant, subpoena, or other process. Any magistrate or officer violating the provision of this section shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, and shall be subject to the pains and penalties for such an offence.
    §10 No member of the police department shall receive any present or reward for services rendered or to be rendered.

    The new police were called the “new police” because they were, in fact, not just an evolution of the old. The old system was abolished and at least 12 municipal functions were absorbed into one “new police.”

    But anti-immigrant sentiment was strong. The pro-new-police and not particularly Nativist Herald wrote in June 1845:

    The Organization of the New Police is proceeding rapidly under the new Superintendent, Major Matsell. About five hundred men have passed the ordeal, and some two or three hundred incompetent candidates been rejected. … The nominations are made by the Aldermen of the Wards, and in some instances they have been so silly as to nominate men who could neither read nor write; some of these candidates being Irishmen, who have all, of course, been rejected, although nothing like “native” feeling exists in the selection. Adopted citizens, if competent, are just as eligible as any others.

    But, unlike the Bobbies, these “new police” weren’t in uniform. This was a big issue for a while. The New York Herald emphasized the goal of “public safety” and made a plea for uniforms in early July:

    We sincerely wish they had been more proscriptive in this particular, and made a uniform as essential feature in the police organization…. Let us have a uniform–we are no admirers of hogs in armor, but by all means let our police dress as policemen.

    [Could this be the first ever reference to cops as pigs?]

    There was a great fire in New York in July, 1845. Three hundred buildings burned and lives were lost. Troops were sent to prevent looting. The ever supportive Herald noted:

    The police along Broad, Pearl, Stone, and William streets, was most energetic, at the same time civil and firm. The Value of the new body was spoken of by all in the highest terms, and have doubtless been the means of preventing the plundering of some thousands of dollars worth of property.

    Two days later, still discussing the terrible fire, it was noteworthy enough to mention:

    The Police wore large metal stars on their coats on which are the city arms, and the word, “Police.”

    And the “new police” were often referred to as the “star police.” Both expressions seem to have died out by about 1850.

    The New York new police lost the support of the Herald in late 1847, which noted that crime was up, and around 20% of the force had resigned or been fired. This was probably true, but paper’s objection may have been politics and the election of Mayor Brady (anti-Tammany). Or maybe there was a new editor at the Herald? But just a year earlier the paper was lauding the New Police for their “judicious use of authority” and usefulness in “the prevention of crime.” In May 1847 Mayor Andre Mickle (Tammany) went so far as to advocate for the complete abolition of the police system and a return to a system of night watchmen:

    It has been in operation a sufficient time to enable us to form a just estimate of its worth, and I regret the necessity which compels me thus officially to state, that so far as my own observation extends, it has failed to meet the just expectations of the community.

    It’s hard to follow all the local politics. But they matter. The Herald also highlighted the problem of corruption in policemen serving at the will of local ward aldermen:

    Let a policeman make a descent on one of the lottery or policy shops in Broadway, and the changes are against his holding officer another year. The owner of the such shop possesses political influence, which he will exert against that policeman. And he will be backed by all his associates in the same business, in running and hunting down the faithful officer who has dared to fulfill his duty by enforcing the law

    The paper seems to become pro-police again three months later, with the swearing in of Mayor Havermeyer. I could go on. But, to paraphrase Tip O’Neill, all policing is local. In a few very short years, other cities copied the New York “new police” model. And with the notably exception of the enforcement of the extremely unpopular (in the North) federal Fugitive Slave Law, the era of for-profit bounty hunting and policing for profit (at least legal profit) ended.

    The New York model spread across America. Johnson:

    Police reformers in other cities did not adopt every feature of New York’s plan. But there were enough similarities to say that New York served as a kind of model for the campaigns to establish preventive policing elsewhere. New Orleans and Cincinnati adopted plans for a new police in 1852. Boston and Philadelphia did so in 1854, Chicago in 1855, and Baltimore in 1857. by the 1860s, preventive policing had been accepted in principle, properly modified to meet American conditions, in every large city and in several smaller ones. This was an important achievement.

    Let me just quickly get up to the start of today’s NYPD before ending. The NYPD actually does not descend from the “new police” of 1845! There were the Astor Place Riots of 1849. And in 1853 power to hire policemen was taken from local ward aldermen and given the mayor (Mayor Westervelt). This was progress, probably. Also in the early 1850s the size of the New York Municipal Police Department increased, cops were finally forced to put on a uniform, and police received military-like drill training (including baton training). And technology is always improving! The “magnetic telegraph” connected all the various stations. The telegraph actually precedes the police whistle, which won’t be invited until 1884. Want backup to deal with ruffians? Bang your night stick on the ground or fire off a few rounds into the air. “Service pistols” didn’t because standardized until Teddy Roosevelt required them as police commissioner sometime around 1895 (before that cops carried whatever gun they wanted to).

    All this leads to New York State’s abolition of the Municipal Police in 1857. Corruption this; brutality that; nepotism this. But it was about power and politics and anti-immigrant sentiment. The state abolished the Municipals. The state established (and controlled) the new New York City Metropolitan Police. For a while there were two police departments as the Municipals sued in court against the legal power play. They wouldn’t turn over their property (and lose their jobs) to the upstart police. When the New York Appeals court ruled the legal shenanigans constitutional, the Metropolitans had the law on their side. It was all over but the shouting. Except…

    The Municipals didn’t go down with a fight, literally. On the steps of City Hall! I can’t believe there’s no book dedicated to this: a City Hall battle between two New York City police departments. Mayor Wood barricaded himself in his office. The siege ended only when Wood faced the possibility of an artillery bombardment! Just so happens an army regiment was passing by, so the Metropolitans borrowed a piece or artillery and turned toward City Hall. And so begins the NYPD, established 1857. Everything changed and nothing changed. The state returned control of the police department to the city in 1870.


  • History isn’t Bunk, part 1

    History isn’t Bunk, part 1

    This is Part One of Two.

    There’s so much Jill Lepore gets wrong in her New Yorker article “The Invention of the Police.” The spoiler is in the subtitle: “Why did American policing get so big, so fast? The answer, mainly, is slavery.” She seems to ignores the actual history of police in America, but I’ll get to that in my next post. For now let me obsess on this paragraph Lepore wrote:

    One study suggests that two-thirds of Americans between the ages of fifteen and thirty-four who were treated in emergency rooms suffered from injuries inflicted by police and security guards, about as many people as the number of pedestrians injured by motor vehicles.

    Now if you, gentle reader, were to read a study that said that, what would your reaction be? Perhaps: “Huh?” “Can’t be.” “Crazy.” “Must be a bad study.” “Maybe I misread it?” Also, not to get all math on you, but “how can you have admissions made up of two distinct groups of two-thirds each?”

    All of the above. Actually, though, it’s not a bad study. It’s a clever study by Feldman et al (2016). Limited by data, as the authors admit, but good for what it is.

    As to Lepore, I had a tough time reading the rest of her article. I like (or liked) her work. But this is subject I know a little about. And her article is so skewed, so biased, and so absent of historical context and accuracy. But keep in mind, though, I just teach this at a public university. She’s a chaired Harvard historian. Plus she writes in the New Yorker. But has she never visited a high crime neighborhood? Has she never been to an emergency room?

    This mistake stood uncorrected online for more than a week. Currently it’s gone from the web version. But the mistake went to print. Online it says this:

    An earlier version of this piece misrepresented the number of Americans between the ages of fifteen and thirty-four who were treated as a result of police-inflicted injuries in emergency rooms.

    That’s it? Shouldn’t the correction correct the error, and not just make it go “poof”? It should say: “An earlier version of this piece suggested that nearly 66% of Americans between the ages of fifteen and thirty-four who were treated in emergency rooms suffered from injuries inflicted by police and security guards. The real number closer to is 0.1% We regret the error.”

    The error isn’t in the study she’s citing. The error is in how she read it. It could have been from reading this:

    We restricted our queries to persons age 15–34, the highest risk group, accounting for 61.1 % of all legal intervention injuries over the study period.

    But most likely she didn’t even read the study and misread the Harvard press release about the study:

    Sixty-four percent of the estimated 683,033 injuries logged between 2001-2014 among persons age 15-34 resulted from an officer hitting a civilian. The data did not distinguish between injuries caused by police and private security guards, who the authors said now number nationally about the same as police officers.

    But the context for the 64% isn’t all admissions. It’s 64% of those admitted for injuries related to what the authors call “legal intervention.” 64% of them have been hit. That might mean, hypothetically, that 20% were beaten with a rubber rose, 10% fell down stairs, and 6% had too tight hand-cuffs.

    Aside from common sense, there is also another way this error should have been caught. Lepore says two-thirds of injuries are from cops or security, and it’s the same number as pedestrians injuries by cars. Last I checked, 2/3 + 2/3 > 1.

    Here’s a more thorough take-down of Lepore’s claim by Louise Perry.

    So what is the correct percentage? The number of people in the ED (Emergency Department, AKA ER) for cop-security injury annually is 683,000 divided by 14 years. About 48,800 admissions a year. The data doesn’t break down how much of this is police vs private security (the authors’ acknowledge this).

    I would note: 1) private security — and they’re more of them than there are cops — can be much more brutal than police (I’m thinking bouncer / club-security). And 2) police can be very quick to take people to the hospital (to CYA), no matter how minor the injury. So of those 48,800 admissions, some (an unknown fraction) have been injured by police. But we don’t know. But grouping two groups when you’re talking about one is a bit dodgy. Potentially like saying, “cops and grandmothers killed a 1,000 people” and blaming grandmothers.

    There are 139 million Emergency Departments visits in the US. Roughly 45 million of this visits are 15-34 years old. (That exact age breakdown isn’t in that link, but you can find it if you care). So 48,800 is 0.1%, one-tenth of one percent. Were to Lepore to claim “two in three” when the actual number was “one in three,” I’d be upset. But she claimed “two in three” when the real number is “one in one thousand.” How could you be off by so much?

    If you could for even a moment believe that 67% of hospital emergency admissions for any group are because they’re getting beat by cops (or security), how clueless can you be? What does that say about your worldview? What crazy lens are seeing the world through? Who actual believes this? And why? Is it the articles there about cops hunting black men, talk of a literal epidemic of police brutality, comparisons to a real pandemic? Maybe.

    Partly what bothers me about Lepore’s statement is that it was in the New Yorker. This means that after it was written, it went through an editor, a copy editor, a proofreader, and, in theory, a “fact checker.” All this and not one of those people — and by “those people” I mean people of New Yorker persuasive (liberal and white) — thought, “Hey, this can’t be true.” No, it’s almost like they want it to be true.

    The blueprint for law enforcement from Nixon to Reagan came from the Harvard political scientist James Q. Wilson between 1968, in his book Varieties of Police Behavior, and 1982, in an essay in The Atlantic titled “Broken Windows.” … Wilson called for police to arrest people for petty crimes, on the theory that they contributed to more serious crimes. Wilson’s work informed programs like Detroit’s STRESS (Stop the Robberies, Enjoy Safe Streets), begun in 1971, in which Detroit police patrolled the city undercover… The campaign to end STRESS arguably marked the very beginnings of police abolitionism.

    To say say something “informed” something is a cheap why to link two things that aren’t related, simply because one happened before the other. She wants to slander James Q. Wilson because he was conservative. It’s what Ivy League academics do, I suppose. But what do Varieties of Police Behavior and “Broken Windows” have to do with either Nixon or Reagan? And nobody outside the field knew of “Broken Windows” until Bratton brought it to New York in the early 1990s (and brought down crime).

    And why go after August Vollmer? There are enough bad guys you don’t have to go after the good guys, too. And Vollmer, ironically, could have strengthened her point and serve as an inspiration for today’s police-reform movement. In his 1936 The Police and Modern Society, Vollmer questioned the police roll in traffic enforcement. He said the laws against prostitution can’t work and therefore we shouldn’t have them; gambling should the licensed and regulated; prohibition was a mighty failure; and let’s leave the moralizing to the church and other such agencies. As to to illegal drugs?

    Drug addiction, like prostitution, and like liquor, is not a police problem; it never has been, and never can be solved by policemen. It is first and last a medical problem…. The first step in any plan to alleviate this dreadful affliction should be the establishment of federal control and dispensation–at cost–of habit forming drugs.

    Instead (why? I don’t know) Lepore blames slaps the label of “Vollmer-era Police” on everything bad (including some items that were before Vollmer’s time). [Though I too, like Lepore, like to highlight the harm of the so-called “progressive” era of policing, which generally gets off too easy. And I would start police abolitionism a bit early. The mayor of New York called for the abolition the police in 1848. But those facts don’t matter when you’re writing about narrative.] Why blame Vollmer for what he was trying to change? Why not call it the “W.E.B. Du Bois-era Police.” Would almost make as much sense. Du Bois, too, wrote about crime and police.

    In Lepore’s narrative nobody gets shot, except by police; the only legitimate fear is to be afraid of police; riots are protests; crime is a non-issue (and police do nothing to prevent it); the only victims are “victims of police brutality [who] are disproportionately Black teen-age boys: children.” I doubt that to be true. But who knows? Certainly not Lepore.

    I don’t mean to “whatabout” her article by bringing up crime and victims of violence, but she did write an article about the history of police. I’m supposed to snuggle down with my New Yorker, sip an herbal tea, and believe violent crime is but a figment of the racist right. At a time when shootings in my city have recently tripled and 96% of shooting and murder victims in New York City are Black or Hispanic, I’m supposed to think the roots of US police lie in slavery? That police have never been anything more than agents of White Supremacy? But I don’t live in Lepore’s world; a world without violence; a world divided between privilege and victimhood; a world in which one can think hospitals Emergency Departments are just filling up daily with black children beat by police.

    My next post is going to talk about the history of policing in New York City, where modern police in America started.

  • RIP Thomas Lynch, d. 1849

    On July 22, 168 years ago, Thomas Lynch was the first police officer in America (at least best I can tell) to be fatally injured in the line of duty:

    Patrolman Lynch responded to 16 Dover street after receive a report of a large dispute. As he tried to mediate the dispute, he was struck in the head 11 times with an iron pipe. He was seriously injured and died 14 months later from his injuries.

    Keep mind the the New York Municipal Police Department was the only municipal American police department for four years. (In the 1850s most cities set up similar organizations.)

  • Low Police Morale (or: the more things change…)

    Last night a police captain said:

    I’m in the Department and had better keep my mouth shut. But I must candidly say that I have never known the Police Department to be in such a bad state as it is it right now. One day we receive one imperative order, and on the next another quite different, so that we hardly know what to do. And because we can’t do everything we are criticized by everybody and abused by every ragamuffin. It’s nothing but “orders,” “orders.” And so many orders make nothing but disorders.

    However I’d better not blab — what right have we to blab? — we’re in the Department. But it’s enough to make one swear. As I said before, we’re pitched into by newspapers and by everybody.

    Every complaint against a policeman, no matter how foolish, must be taken down by the clerk and investigated, because he has been ordered to do so.

    But then I won’t say a word. I’m in the department. There may be a reporter about, so I’ll shut up.

    –“A Grumbling Police Captain.” New York Daily Times, Feb 2, 1856 (lightly edited)

  • “Our Police Today… Frustrated, Bitter, Resentful”

    “Our Police Today… Frustrated, Bitter, Resentful”

    Have you heard the news? There’s nothing new under the sun.

    “Today a policeman doesn’t know where he stands. He has lost the ball. He has become defensive and he doesn’t do a good job when he is on the defensive.”

    “A cop will give his life to catch a burglar, holdup man, or a purse snatcher, but he’ll wait for it to happen before he reacts.”

    “So we don’t look for guns anymore. Within the past year I’ve made one arrest. All I do now is issue tickets.”

    “It’s a lousy job when you can’t be a cop and do your work.”

    Police claim [black] groups are encouraging crime by offering blanket support to [black] felons who bring civil rights charges against arresting officers.

    That the job does not have the attraction it once had is evident from the department’s recruitment problems. For the last eight years the personnel department has been unable to fill recruitment quotas.

    And Prof Caleb Foote of the Pennsylvania Law School makes the case that “constitutional law enforcement is effective law enforcement”:

    “There is little question that when police illegality becomes an accepted everyday practice, individual liberty is threatened and cynical contempt for law in engendered in the police, the law violator and the law abider alike.”

    Of course this isn’t from today. It’s from the Detroit Free Press of April 4, 1965.

    (Of course, it’s worth pointing out that crime really was skyrocketing, and Detroit never recovered. Who knows? Maybe judicial changes were partially to blame.)

    [Thanks to Alex Elkins for the article, and also these Detroit murder numbers:]

    Detroit murders by year:

    1964 — 136

    1965 — 201

    1966 — 252

    1967 — 331

    Murder jumped by 47% between 1964 and 1965. Those numbers rival the increase in murder that some cities experienced in 2015; the national increase was around 15%.

  • “Fruit and other food in season… seems to have been completely overlooked”!

    “Fruit and other food in season… seems to have been completely overlooked”!

    The good ol’ days…

    I love spending time in John Jay College’s great Lloyd Sealy Library browsing NYPD annual police reports from 100 years ago. Even older ones are available to the public online.

    In 1912 the total force was 10,371 plus 268 civilian.

    Three motor patrol wagons were installed during the year 1912 [making 4]. It is proposed to immediately purchase ten additional wagons of the same type. Each of these vehicles replaces three horse-drawn wagons. The savings in salaries of the drivers alone pay for the original cost of the vehicle [$2,840] in about six months.

    There were the 25 motorcycles, 55 bicycles, and 679 horses (139 patrol wagon, 483 saddle service).

    Crime and arrests: 300 homicides, 107,227 misdemeanor arrests (60,493 for intoxication and/or disorderly conduct), and 18,780 felony arrests (242 for cocaine, 2 for opium).

    Pay was to be not less than $1,000 for a patrolmen. Pension was requested to be 2% per year after 25 years of service.

    In 1919 NYC had 5.6 million people and 10,000 cops, the ratio of which was considered a big low compared to other cities.

    In 1925, 453 children 16 and under were killed by cars and trolleys. That’s a lot! By 1948 this number was brought down to 82. In 2015 there were 250 people of all ages killed by traffic. I guess the 1920s was the first time in human history when kids weren’t supposed to play in the streets.

    I love the category of “roller skating, etc.”

    From 1926 to 1933, an average of 7 officer a year “died in the heroic performance of duty.” An additional 5.5 died “as the result of accidents while on duty.” There were just under 19,000 uniformed personnel.

    In 1933, at the end of prohibition, there were 431 murders: 6 homicides from bootleggers’ dispute (down from 16 in 1932), 3 narcotic disputes, 3 slot machine disputes, and 2 prostitution disputes. 997 traffic fatalities. Total arrests 460,484.

    There were 12 motorcycles with side cars, armored. 64 2-passenger radio equipped coupes were purchased. There were 240 2 passengers, radio equipped “runabouts.” 123 had no radio. Keep in mind there were one-way radios! “Standard equipment, seven tube super-heterodyne radio receivers have been installed in four hundred Department automobiles.” Radio Motor patrol made 2,162 arrests.

    Under the great Mayor LaGuardia, police re-entered the social welfare game:

    The Unemployment Relief Bureau was established to function in connection with the work of obtaining aid and relief for the unemployed.

    Members of the Force were assigned to investigate applications for the relief cases of distress, visit owners of property whose tenants were in arrears in payment of rent with a view of obtaining monetary relief from the Mayor’s Official Committee.

    Food checks were issued to families requiring assistance.

    The nature of relief rendered through the Mayor’s Official Committee was as follows:

    A) monetary assistance

    B) distribution of food tickets

    C) Distribution of fuel

    D) distribution of clothing

    E) Securing positions for unemployed

    F) cases referred to other agencies.

    1,780,600 lbs of coal distributed. 16,334 articles of clothing, 220,000 food tickets (redeemed at authorized stores) worth $684,814, $70,799 in cash.

    31,094 (!) pistol licenses were issued (bringing in $286.50). 74 tear gas permits (?!) issued along with 418 religious permits (30 were disapproved). Other permits that the Pistol License Bureau could issue were: “auctioneers, bail bond agents, candidates for admission to the Bar, Hotel runners’ license, loud speaker permits, masque ball permits, massage operators, massage institute license, miscellaneous investigations, piston license, religious permits, tear gas permits, various investigations for the Department of License.”

    By 1939 homicides in the city dropped to 291 (78 shooting, 96 cutting, 85 assault). There were still 326 motorcycles and 375 horses in service.

    In 1948 there were 315 murders. 93 were shootings and 59 were categorized as “marital or passion.”

    My favorite part goes comes from the 1913 report and the complaint about the lack of “fruit and other food in season” at the canteen, something “that seems to have been completely overlooked”! Well, I say, the Chef does need to up his game!

    And here’s the official chronology of the NYPD, up to 1900:







  • Who made that? And when?

    Who made that? And when?

    The mighty flex-cuff…

    Anybody know when they first appeared? I do not. And I just get a query from MOMA asking me them and I’ll be damned, I have no idea. I’d like to know the answer.

    I write to you with the hope that you might help with our research. We are featuring Flexicuffs and Bite/Spit Masks (the plastic iterations of both) in an upcoming post and have run into a dead end regarding their provenance. With all design objects featured on the site, we do our best to include as much “museum caption” information as possible. Unfortunately, we have found very little information as to when these two objects came into being in their plastic forms. For example, the most specific date we have for the plastic handcuffs is “1960s.”

    By chance do you have any additional information that would help us fill in the gaps? We have been in contact with both the Police Museum as well as the NYPD (in addition to our own independent research) and continue to draw a blank.

    Personally, I always liked using proper metal handcuffs because they’re easier (and more fun) to put on, but then you had to take them off to trasnfer a prisoner to the wagon. So if you knew you were going to arrest somebody, you always brought the flex-cuffs. No fuss, no muss. (Except that one time when one dumbass “unarrested” somebody and decided to remove the flex-cuffs with his pocket knife. It was a minor cut, but still…)

  • Law and Order, 1932

    From Shorpy.com:

    Washington, D.C., 1932. “Metropolitan police officer on motorcycle.” Keeping the peace in the gashouse district. Harris & Ewing glass negative. Full size image.

  • Baltimore Police Department History

    A little over two years ago, William Hackley, retired Baltimore police officer and amateur historian, passed away.

    Were it not for Officer Hackley, so much of the history of the BPD would have been be lost to time.

    I was afraid that project would end with Hackley’s passing. Luckily, retired detective Kenny Driscoll has kept the history alive.

    The website is now here: https://baltimorecitypolicehistory.com/index.php. Give it a look. There’s a lot there. Driscoll wrote in a comment, “I hope everyone will continue to enjoy the site, and send pics, and info.”